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PROCEEDINGS 



OF THE 



ESSEX COUNTY ANTI- SLAVERY 

CONVENTION, i 

HELD AT DANVERS, OCTOBER, 24, 1838, ' 

■J 

WITH AN 

ADDRESS TO THE VOTERS, ^ 

ON THEIR ' 

DUTIES TO THE ENSLAVED. ■ 



SALEM: 

PRINTED AT THE GAZETTE OFFICE. 

1838, 



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PROCEEDINGS. 



Agreeably to invitation from the County Anti Sla- 
very Society, a Convention of old men and young men 
assembled in Danvers, (New Mills,) on the 24th of 
October, ult. 

The following gentlemen enrolled their names a3 
delegates : 

Andovcr. J. A. Collins, P. C. Pettibone. 

Danvers. Samuel P. Fowler, Isaac Hardy, Jr., 
Jacob Perley, Eben. Hunt, J. D. Black, Samuel 
Brimblecome, Moses Black, Jr*, Elias Savage, 
John Hood, A. R. Porter, John Catlin, Wm. Alley, 
Naih. Porter, Charles Page, Charles Benjamin, Sam'i 
Harris, Warren Sheldon, Richard Hood, Wm. Endi- 
cott, Frederic Howe, Benjamin Porter, Abel jNichols, 
Jacob Dempsey, Daniel M. Very, Thomas Bovven, 
James Merrill, Jona. Richardson, Jesse Putnam, 
Arch. Black, Charles Brimblecome, James F. Mcln- 
tire, Moses Black, J. H. Ward, John Langley, A. P. 
Phillips, Daniel Manning. 

Gloucester, (Sandy Bay.) Dudley Choaie, Leri 
Sewall, Lemuel Gott, Israel Washburn, Gibbon Wil- 
liams. 

Ipswich. Josiah Caldwell. 

Lynn. Edwin Thompson, J. W. Browne, Cha's 
Robinson, J. B. Chase, Philip R. Russell. 

Rowley, Richard Kimball, Geo. VV. Creasey. 

fVest Newbury. Moses Emery, Joseph Sianwood. 

Gloucester Harbour. L. B. Griftin. 

Beverly. Josiah Foster, 2d., Francis Lamson, 
John Wilson, Robert Goodwin, John Foster, John K 
Baker, A. JN'. Clark, David C. Foster, John Tuck, 2d, 
Luke Morgan, Israel Trask, Ingalls Kittredge. 

Salem. Charles T. Torrey, Sylvester Phelps. J. 
A. Innis, Joseph Hale, W. A. Gray, VV. B. Dodge, 
Albert Lackey, W. Chase, George H. Smith, Josiah 



:>Haywarcl, J. P. Jewett, Simeon M. Coburn, Andrew 

^'Lord, D. Lord, J. P. Phelps, David ^Jerritt, Win. 

vFhelps, C. W. Martin, J. E. Dearborn, John Tattle, 

'vjjobn Lecravv, Wm. Dodge, Jr., Aug. M. Coburn, 

David S. Rowe, B. A. Gray, H. C. Tuttle. 

Marbkhead. Joseph Reynolds, Sam'l Reynolds, 
John Wooldridge, A. Merrill. 

Boston. A. A. Phelps, Francis Jackson, Wm. L. 
Garrison. 

Philadelphia. J. G. Whittier. 

Newburyijort. Charles Butler, Wm. Ashby, Jr., 
Jacob H. Young. 

Haverhill. Ezekiel Hale, Jr. 

Bradford. Gardner P. Ladd, Peter Parker, Jr., 
Henry C. Parker. 

Saugus. Benj. F. Newhall, G. W. Raddin, Jos. 
Dampney, Thomas W. Atwill. 

Neivhurij. Josiah P. Noyes. 

Groton. J. G. Farnsworth. 

New York. Henry B. Stanton. 

Many other delegates present did not record their 
names. 

The meeting was called to order by Charles T. 
Torrey, of Salem, and on his motion, Abner Sanger, 
of Danvers, was chosen President pro tem. 

Voted, on motion of C. T. Torrey, that a Commit- 
tee of three be chosen, to prepare a list of officers for 
this Convention. 

Committee reported officers, viz : 
LEMUEL GOTT, of Sandy Bay, President. 

John G\ Whittier, Philad., > yi,. Presidents, 

iMosES Black, Danvers, 5 

Joseph Hale, Salem, > ^,,,,^^,,-,,. 

C. T. Torres, " $ 

Samuel Brimblecome, Danvers, Assistant Sec. 

Abner Sanger, Danvers, Treasurer, 

A. A. Phelps, Moses Emery, ^ 

J. G. Whittier, Eben, Hunt, > Business Comm. 

J. W. Browne, C. T. Torrey, ) 



Business Committee reported the following Pream- 
ble and Resolution, as the basis of discussion : 

Whereas, we, as the subjects of the government of God, 
are accountable for the use or abuse of our political rights ; 

And ivhereas, Slavery is sustained by legislation ; 

And whereas, the pro-slavery legislation of this country can 
never be changed until suitable men are elevated to political 
offices ; 

And whereas, no iinen who will not speak and vote, in de- 
fence of the inalienable rights of men, irrespective of color, 
are entitled to the support of true hearted abolitionists : 

Therefore, Resolved, That we pledge ourselves to vote 
for no man, for any office in the Executive or Legislative De- 
partments of our State or National Governments, who is not 
ready to speak, and act, in favor of immediate emancipation 
in the District of Columbia — And we recommend to every 
abolitionist in the country to do the same. 

It was moved that the preamble and resolution be 
adopted. 

The discussion was opened by the Rev. Mr. 
Brimblecome, of Danvers, in a series of able remarks 
in relation to our obligations^ as men and as christians, 
to use our political rights for the benefit of the enslaved. 

A letter from Edmund Quincy, Esq.. of Boston, 
was then read, and on motion, it was voted that it be 
published. 

E.Thompson, of Lynn, showed the inconsistency 
of those abolitionists who condemn politicians for their 
subserviency, and yet refuse to vote for better men. 

John W. Browne Esq., of Lynn, followed in a se- 
ries of eloquent remarks on the importance of a firm 
adherence to their principles. 

Rev. A. A. Phelps made a succinct and clear ex- 
planation of the principles of the resolution. 

J. VV. Browne continued the discussion, on the sub- 
ject of sacrificing party preferences. 

Adjourned to meet at 2 o'clock, P. M. 

Met according to adjournment. 

Discussion resumed by J. H. Ward, suggesting que- 
ries respecting the extent of the meaning of the reso- 
lution. 

Rev, L. B. Griffin objected that we shall not ac- 



complish much by present action — and that it would 
increase the difficulty of making abolitionists. 

Rev. Mr. Washburn replied to JMr. Griffin, argu- 
ing with great force, that our action should be moral 
action, independently of strictly jiarty feeling. 

JMr. IMartin thought that on account of the nearness 
of the election, the resolution ought not to to pass ; 
most voters were already pledged to support some 
particular candidate. 

IMr. Torrey replied at length, declaring that in his 
opinion, we ought not to wait the tardy movementF, 
and the convenience of party politrcians, but should 
do our duty now, to God and the poor slave. Besides, 
pledges to support a particular candidate were neces- 
sarily conditional ; if, after his nomination, the candi- 
date proved recreant to liberty, such pledges could not 
bind an enli2;htened conscience. 

Mr Phelps entered into an able argument on the 
right and policy of carrying our principles to the polls 

IMr Stanton then followed with an able discussion of 
the whole subject — answering with admirable tact and 
skill, various objections made to ))olitical action. 

After a few brief remarks by Mr. Phelps, the ques- 
tion was taken by rising, and passed in the affirmative, 
nein. con. — A glorious result. 

The following resolutions were then passed in the 
affirmative after a brief discussion. 

Whereas, ^ve believe, witii tlie declaration of sentiments 
of the Convention which formed the American Anti Slavery 
Society in 1833, that " there are the hioJiest obligations rest- 
intr upon the people of the free states to remove Slavery by 
moral and political action," 

Therefore, Resolved, that a committee of six be appointed 
by this Convention, whose duty it shall be to propose to all 
the candidates for Congress, and for the State Senate, in the 
County, the following questions, and publish their answers 
forthwith. 

i. Are you in favor of the immediate emancipation 
of the enslaved in the District of Columbia, and in 
the territory of Florida ? 

2. Do you believe Congress has power to abolish 
the slave trade between the states, and are you in fa- 
vor of the immediate exercise of that power ? 



3. Are you in favor of such additional legislation^ 
as may be needed, to secure the imnnediate and ef- 
fectual prohibition of the slave trade between the Uni- 
ted States and Texas ? 

4. Do you think it would be the duty of a member 
of the next Congress, to take the earliest possible 
opportunity to make, and sustain, a motion to instruct 
the Committee on the District of Columbia, to bring 
in a bill for the immediate abolition of slavery, and the 
slave trade, in that District: and if this [mis, to himself, 
if possible, bring in and support a bill to that effect: 
and if this should be ineffectual, to seize every proper 
opportunity, under the rules of the House, to urge this 
question upon the consideration of tliat body ? 

Resolved, That the following- pledge be circulated for signa- 
tures in all the towns. 

" We, the subscribers, pledge ourselves to vote for no 
man, for any office in the Executive or Legislative depart- 
ments of the State or National Governments, who is not ready 
to speak and vote, in favor of immediate enjancipation in the 
District of Columbia, and the immediate abolition of the 
slave trade between the States of this Union, by law. 

Resolved, That a committee of three be chosen, to prepare 
and publish an address to the abolition electors of the coun- 
ty, on their duties, as voters, to the cause of freedom. 

Resolved, That it be recommended to the friends of the 
cause, to hold meetings in their several towns, for the dis- 
cussion of the subject of political action, prior to the ensuing 
election. 

Resolved, That this Convention (when it adjourns) stand 
adjourned to Wednesday, Noveniber 7lh, at 10 o'clock, A. 
M., to meet in Salem, to consider the answers of the candi- 
dates, and such other business as may be presented. 

At the evening session the following resolution was 
reported by the business committee : 

Resolved, That the scheme ot African colonization is un- 
righteous and unchristian in its principles, prescriptive and 
pernicious in its tendencies and results, futile and vain as 
a remedy for slavery and the slave trade, a hindrance, rather 
than a help to tlie introduction of the gospel it. to Africa, and 
unworthy the confidence or, support of any friend of God or 
man. 

Mr. Torrey gave an account of the new-fangled 
system of Colonization, under the auspices of Judge 
Wilkeson, of Florida. 

Mr. Garrison was called on to address the Con- 



vention on this Resolution, and gave his views of the 
system of Colonization in an interesting and able 
speech. The discussion was continued by Air. Wash- 
burn and Mr. Stanton. 

The resolution then passed unanimously. 
The following gentlemen were chosen a committee 
to question candidates for oflice, &c. 

Dr. GEO. COGSWELL, Bradford, > 

EZEKIEL HALE, .Tr., Haverhil!, } Essex North. 

NATIIL. LADD, F.sq., E. Bradford,) 

WM. B. DODGE, Salem, ) 

Dr. E. HUNT, Danvers, V Esstx South. 

B. F. NEWHALUEsq., Saugus, ) 

The following gentlemen were chosen a committee 
10, address abolition voters on the subject of their duties. 
William B. Dodge, Si/lvester Phelps, 
C harks T. Torrcij. 
The following resolution was then presented, and 
after a discussion by Messrs Torrey, Stanton and 
Phelps, was unanimously adopted : 

Resolved, That this Convention earnestly request the 
friends of the cause in the several towns to muke their collec- 
tions of funds for the cause, as soon as possible, and forward 
them to the Treasurer, Abner Sanger, Esq. 

A collection, to print the doings of the Convention, 
was then taken up. 

Resolved, That the Secretaries, with Wm. B. Dod^e, of Sa- 
lem, be a committee to publish the proceedings of the Con- 
vention, and said committee be instructed to annex the most 
important proceedings to ihe pamphlet edition of the Address 
to the A nti- Slavery Voters. 

It was then 

Voted, That the thanks of tills Convention be presented to 
the proprietors of the Baptist meeting house, in which we 
were aasembled, for the use of their house ; and also lo the 
citizens of Danvers, for their generous lio«pitality to its 
members. 

The Convention then adjourned, to meet in Salem, 
on the 7th of November, at 10 o'clock, A. M. 

LEMUEL GOTT, President. 
Joseph Hale, 

Charles T. Torrey, 5> Secretaries. 
Samuel Brimbleco; 



.ME, ) 



ADDRESS TO ABOLITION VOTERS. 



At the Convention holden at Danvers Mills, on the 24th 
ult., a committee was appointed to prepare and publish an 
Address to the Abolition Voters of the County. In pursuance 
of the duty thus assigned to us, we invite your attention to 
the following statements and remarks : 

1. The slavery which now exists in the States and Terri- 
tories of this Union, and in the District of Columbia, is en- 
tirely the creature of legislation. Its foundation stone iy the 
principle tl;at human beings may be held and used as articles 
of property ; and all the various provisions of the slave code, 
— the plundering the helpless poor of their wages ; the de- 
privation of all civil rights ; the compulsory absence of legal 
marriage; the sundering of every tie of nature and affection, 
by the internal slave trade ; the tortures of the cat and the 
whip ; the penal code, written in blood,— in short, every pro- 
vsion of law in relation to the treatment of slaves, is only a 
necessary deduction from this first principle — they only carry 
out the legal doctrines concerning property in things, iiud 
apply them to the practice of holding and using men as prop- 
erty. Not a feature of cruelty in the actual working of the 
slave system, nor an instance of (so called) abuse of the 
slave, can be mentioned, which is not defensible, logically 
and legally, on the admission of the great first principle ; 
and -the few and ineffectual provisions found in the sla^e codes 
of our land, designed to henefit the slave, are restraints upon 
the rigat of property in him. [tiee Stroud's Slave Laws, and 
Wheeler's Law of Slavery.] 

2. Is it not evident, then, that the repeal of the laws which 
rr.ake men property, and which protect and enforce the assum- 
ed right of property in man, is the abolition of slavery ? 
What more is needed, than to enact that the same laws which 
v/ere before designed to benefit white freemen, shall hence- 
torth apply to all men, without respect to color, rank or sta- 
tion ? And slavery cannot be finally abolished in any other 
way. If every individual slaveholder was to emancipate his 
slaves, and the code of laws remain the same, slaves might 
.<ill be held by any who should choose it, and the nation 
would not be freed frorli the guilt of slave holding. For there 
would be no testimony against the violation of natural justice, 
on the part/of the government, whose legislation sustained and 
still continued to sanction such conduct. 

3. We need not say one word to convince you that Con- 
gress possesses constitutional power to abolish slavery and 
the slave trade in the District of Columbia and the Territory 



of Florida, and the slave trade between the several slave hold- 
ing States. Nor is there any good reason why the ample 
powers of the national government should not be exercised 
for these purposes, without delay. Justice, humanity, the 
honor of our country, and the highest welfare of the bond, and 
the free in every part of our land, concur in demanding it. 

4. Why, then, may it not be done, at the approaching 
session of Congress ? Because the voters of the free States 
have sent to represent them in the halls of les^islaiion, so ma- 
ny men who are deaf to the cries of justice and humanilij, 
as it respects the enslaved, and false to their countries high- 
est interests ! The fVee States of the North, if united, can 
control the action of Congress entirely ; and if our present 
Senators and Representatives would use their constitutional 
powers, at their next session, as they ought, our nation would 
be freed from the guilt and shame of upholding slavery, and 
slavery would have received its death blow, eveii-Avhere the 
power of the nation cannot directly reach it. The work will 
be done, just as soon as we choose men lo represent us in 
Congress, who love the slave more than they love the various 
minor objects of party strife, or the gains of office, and not 
before. Whose, then, is the guilt, if the work is not done ! It 
rests upon the heads, not of our agents in the halls of legis- 
lation, but of their principals, ivho send them there by their 
votes. And we cannot consistently blame Southern legisla- 
tors for refusing to free their bondmen, while we send men 
to represent us in Congress, who will not do the same, where- 
ever the power of Congress reaches. If we suffer the noise 
of partizans, the voice of financial or state policy to drown 
the cries of bleeding humanity and outraged justice, in the 
very capital of the nation, with what consistency can we com- 
plain of them, if they follow in our steps ? " Thou that sayest 
a man should not steal, dost thou steal ? " The votes ot our 
representatives, while we continue to sustain them in office 
by our votes, or by our neglect to vote against them, are, in 
the sight of God, our votes, however iniquitous they may be. 

5. How, then, can we, as subjects of a righteous God, give 
our votes for a candidate for any office in the Legislative or 
Executive Departments of our State or National Govern- 
ments, who is not heartily in favor of the immediate abolition 
of slavery and the slave trade in the District and Florida, and 
the trade between the States ? To vote for such an one, 
would be to vote for a man who gives no sufficient evidence 
of love for republican liberty, who is not in favor of laws 
against robbery and theft: who cannot be relied on to defend 
the poor and w'eak against the rich and powerful, and who is, 
therefore, unworthy to be the ruler of free men, and incapa- 
ble of carrying into execution the very objects for which 
righteous civil governments exist. What honest man, what 
true patriot, what lover of equal liberty and equal rights can 



10 

or will do it ? The day has gone by, when any candidatQ 
for any public office can plead ignorance on these topics, 
without signing the warrant of his own incapacity for the 
discharge of its duties. If he is not now a friend of immedi- 
ate emancipation, both in theory and practice, he is unfit to 
receive the suffrages of a free people. 

G. What, then, shall we do ? Organize a political party 
by ourselves ? Btj no means. If there Avas no other objec- 
tion, it would consume too much time. While we were strug- 
gling, for many long years, to become the majority of the 
community, the poor slave would continue to wear the yoke 
of unrequited bondage. Shall we identify ourselves with 
either of the existing parties ? By no means. It would only 
expose us to defeat, and involve our holy cause in the base 
and wicked strifes ot partizans, eager for the spoils of office. 
We have a more excellent icay. If we are true to ourselves, 
we have the balance of power now in our hands, in nearly 
every free State in the Union. And by a firm adherence to 
our principles, both parties will be induced to put in nomina- 
tion men who are true friends of the enslaved, as well as in 
all other respects fitted to discharge their legislative or exec- 
utive duties, so as to do honor to the communities they repre- 
sent 

7. In our own county, we have the entire control of the 
en^uins; election. At the last Congressional election in the 
Second District, Mr. Phillips's majority was only about 160. 
Suppose the relative strength of the parties remains the same; 
and it is certain that in at least su' of the towns in that dis- 
trict the anlislavery voters can turn the scale either way! 
It would be a reproach to our firmness of principle, then, if 
some tiue friend of human rights is not elected. If neither of 
the worthy gentlemen now before the electors can honestly 
take the right ground, one or two defeated etections will induce 
them to decline the contest, and then other candidates will 
be brought forward. 

In the North District, the parties are not supposed to be so 
equally balanced. But in seven towns in that district, the 
a ntialavery voters can control the election. So in regard to 
the State Senators, and, in the most important towns, in re- 
gard to Representatives in the General Court. We have it 
in our power to secure the election of men who will speak 
out and act and vote in regard to the whole subject of human 
ri?rhts, as the friends of the slave desire. 

Shall we do it ? Who of us can hesitate for one moment ? 
Let the picture of the toil worn slave, liis unmarried wifo, his 
stolen children, his deathless soul plundered of the rights and 
attributes of humanity, come up before the eyes of every vo- 
ter, to fruard the ballot box, which to him is emphatically the 
hope of freedom ! 

Do we hear one, an abolitionist indeed, but much more of a 



n 

politician, reply, "You call upon mc to sacrifice otiier objects 
important to the welfare of tho country"? We answer^ no, 
the course Ave suggest only demands that you do not sacrifice 
the slave to your party and its plans. It will only comprl both 
parties to support men true to liberty. But you say, '• I may 
have to sacrifice my favorite and already nominated candi- 
date." But uhat entitles him to favor and support? If he is 
not true to liberty ; ifhis heart in with the oppressor, and he 
has no bowels of compassion for the bleeding colored victim 
of oppression, is he such an one as you, a son of freedom, can 
trust with the defence of your own rights? " But the great 
measures of my party ; must I give them up?" Not necessa- 
rily. But if you must choose, say, Avill you be found on the 
side of God and human rights, and mercy to the perishing 
slave, or on the side of tyranny in order to gain jour party 
ends? Decide, so that you may be satisfied with your deci- 
sion when you and the slave stand together in the presence 
of your common Judge. If your sense of moral obligation ia 
no stronger than to allow you to prefer present interests, pe- 
cuniary and commercial and political objects, to the claims 
of oppressed humanity, then cease to complain of your south- 
ern brother, who likewise excuses the plunder of the poor 
and helpless, by the same pleas. We are persuaded, that no 
true hearted abolitionist will do it. Abolitionists have deci- 
ded, that mora! principle, that the law of christian love re- 
quires them to use their political power, as well as their so- 
cial and directly leligious influence, to "execute judgment 
in the morning, and deliver him that is spoiled out of the hand 
of the oppressor." If they have decided that if it is a moral 
and christian duty to aid in the enactment and the enforce- 
ment of righteous laws against horse stealing, and other minor 
crimes, they cannot do less in regard to the greater crime of 
MAN STEALING, without manifest inconsistency, and very 
great guilt. They know that neutrality in this matter is im- 
possible. And while they would scorn dictation to candi- 
dates for office, or to any of their fellow citizens in regard to 
their course, they feel bound to say to their fellow citizens, 
with all frankness and sincerity, that they consider their 
principles as abolitionists too important to be sacrificed any 
loiiger on the altar of party, or at the bidding of expediency. 
Allow us, in conclusion, to invite your special attention to 
the resolutions passed at the convent on. Each of them as- 
serts important principles, or recommends some measure vital 
to our cause. Especially, 

1. Forget not the meetinp:s of abolitionists in the several 
towns to discuss the subject of political, action, before the 
election. 

2. The seasonable appointment of large delegations of 
working abolitionists, in every town, to attend the meeting in 
Salem, on the 7th of November. Let this be done at once. 



12 

if, in a stormy day, nearly one hundred and twenty five men. 
from all i)arts of the county, were found ready to meet iii 
convention, with but scanty notice and little effort, let not rain 
or sunshine, business or pleasure, prevent the assemblage of 
five hundred, in Salem, on the seventh of November. Tlw 
slaves " expect every man will do his duty" 

3. Let individuals, and delegates of Societies, as far as 
practicable, come prepared to say how much they will give 
and raise for the cause, before the first of May next. A gen- 
erous spirit, acting promptly, is worth more to our cause than 
millions will be ten years hence, if we are not faithful now. 

Come, then, one and all, young men with your fire and 
energy, and grey^eads, wise from reflection, and rich in the 
lessons of experience, and let us have a convention which 
will tell upon the cause of freedom throughout the land. 
Old Essex must take the lend of her sisters)in the cause of free- 
dom. Our friends abroad expect it. Let them not do so ia 
vain. 



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